The U.S. Senate isn’t about to put a fox in charge of the henhouse, especially when that fox is under suspicion for ethical violations and scandalous behavior like Matt Gaetz. In plain English, appointing Matt Gaetz as attorney general would be like entrusting a recovering arsonist with the keys to the fire department—a dangerous, reckless gamble that the Senate simply won’t make.
When
the circus comes to town, you can always count on the clowns to steal the show,
and with President Donald Trump's latest round of appointments, there's one
name that has everyone leaning in: Congressman Matt Gaetz. It's a bold move—and
boldness is something Trump is no stranger to. After all, loyalty is the
currency of power, and who better to run the Department of Justice than a
loyalist ready to bend his will to Trump? But therein lies the rub. Loyalty is
what gets you nominated, but suitability is what gets you confirmed, and
therein lies the problem.
The
U.S. Senate has been known for its reputation as the chamber of sober second
thought, and it seems to be standing by that moniker now more than ever. The
appointment of Matt Gaetz as attorney general is a stark reminder of just how
far President Trump is willing to go to stack the federal government with
loyalists. Gaetz's loyalty to Trump is undeniable—so much so that it sometimes
seems to border on fanaticism. However, being a loyal foot soldier doesn't
always translate to the qualities expected in a role that demands impartiality
and adherence to the law. And the Senate knows it.
It’s
not the first time Trump has tried to install a loyalist at the helm of a
crucial federal institution. During his first term, we saw similar tactics,
with loyal individuals put in positions of power, sometimes with disastrous
results. The difference this time is that Gaetz is particularly polarizing,
even within his own party. Many Republicans find it hard to endorse his radical
approach, which is precisely why the Senate's scrutiny is more crucial than
ever. The system of checks and balances exists for moments like this—to prevent
a president from unilaterally appointing individuals who may not serve the
interests of justice but rather the interests of the man in the Oval Office.
Gaetz’s
baggage is no secret. Despite his high-profile defense of the former president,
Gaetz has often found himself in hot water—facing Congressional ethics
inquiries and a federal investigation into allegations of sex trafficking a
minor. Even though he was never formally prosecuted, such allegations hang like
a sword of Damocles over his public career. For someone tasked with leading the
Department of Justice, a department whose mission is to uphold the law
impartially, Gaetz’s track record is problematic, to say the least. How can
someone with such unresolved allegations be expected to inspire trust and faith
in the justice system? The FBI, an agency that would be under his oversight,
once investigated him. It’s almost like asking a fox to guard the henhouse, and
the Senate is all too aware of this glaring contradiction.
Trump’s
picks reflect a trend of appointing not the best candidates, but those who will
toe the line. Loyalty above all else—that’s the theme of his appointments.
Whether it’s Pete Hegseth, who wants to rid the Pentagon of “woke” officers, or
Tulsi Gabbard, who has views that seem more suited for an apocalypse cult
rather than a director of national intelligence, the focus has been on
rewarding loyalty rather than competence. And Gaetz’s nomination is the zenith
of this approach. While Trump supporters see it as a fitting move to drain the
swamp, many moderates and independents see it as a step toward turning federal
agencies into political instruments of Trumpism.
But
here’s where the Senate’s role becomes critical. As the confirmation process
looms, senators—including many Republicans—are bracing themselves for what
could be one of the most contentious hearings in recent memory. Gaetz’s
bombastic style and unrepentant persona are exactly what Trump loves. He’s
flashy, he’s controversial, and above all, he’s fiercely loyal. However, what
plays well in rallies doesn’t necessarily play well in Senate chambers, where
decorum and qualifications take precedence. It’s worth pointing out that the
Senate, historically, has acted as a moderating force, especially when
presidents have attempted to push boundaries. Back in 1937, Franklin D.
Roosevelt tried to pack the Supreme Court to pass his New Deal reforms, but the
Senate pushed back, preserving the balance of power. Fast forward to today, and
we’re seeing another kind of court-packing—except this time, it’s the federal
government being stuffed with loyalists instead of impartial experts.
The
numbers don’t bode well for Gaetz, either. Recent polling suggests that even
among Republicans, there’s growing discomfort with his nomination. A CBS News
poll indicates that 45% of Republican voters believe that Gaetz's controversies
make him unfit for the attorney general role. And it’s not just public opinion.
Behind closed doors, many GOP senators have privately expressed unease with
Gaetz’s nomination, worried that his appointment could become a liability for
the party as it heads into the next election cycle. The GOP’s narrow majority
in the Senate means that a few defectors could sink Gaetz’s nomination—a very
real possibility considering the likes of Mitt Romney, Susan Collins, and Lisa
Murkowski, who have broken ranks with Trump in the past.
Trump’s
insistence on rewarding loyalty with powerful positions is understandable in a
political sense. It’s natural for presidents to want trusted allies in top
positions. After all, the phrase “Keep your friends close and your enemies
closer” wasn’t coined in vain. However, the attorney general is not just
another cabinet position. The role requires an individual who can be an
impartial arbiter of justice, someone who can resist political pressure, even
from the president. Gaetz’s history shows that his primary allegiance has
always been to Trump—not to the Constitution, and certainly not to the
principles of justice that the attorney general is meant to uphold.
It’s
easy to see why Trump would want Gaetz in that seat. Gaetz is a fighter,
someone who wouldn’t hesitate to launch investigations into Trump’s enemies or
shield his allies from scrutiny. The Department of Justice under Gaetz would
likely serve as an extension of Trump’s personal will—a dangerous precedent in
a democracy that prides itself on the rule of law. The Senate, which remains
independent and, at least in principle, non-partisan, is poised to act as a
bulwark against this kind of overreach. They’ve done it before, and they’re
likely to do it again.
It’s
worth noting that the Constitution, the very foundation upon which the American
republic is built, envisioned the Senate as a check on executive power. Article
II, Section 2, provides the Senate with the power to advise and consent to
appointments. This isn’t just a formality; it’s a vital mechanism to ensure
that no single branch of government can wield unchecked power. Congressman
Gaetz’s nomination is a test of this mechanism, a test to see whether the
Senate will uphold its duty or bow to the pressures of loyalty politics.
The
proverb says, “You can’t put new wine in old bottles.” Gaetz, with his
controversial past and radical views, is exactly that—old wine in an old
bottle, trying to masquerade as something fresh for Trump's new term. But the
Senate, it appears, has a pretty good sense of smell, and they're not buying
it. If there’s anything the Senate has demonstrated over the years, it’s that
loyalty to a person is no substitute for loyalty to the Constitution.
As
the confirmation process approaches, one can only wonder if Congressman Gaetz
will face the reality that the Senate is a place where showmanship and bombast
take a back seat to qualifications and integrity. It’s not a carnival sideshow;
it’s the heart of American governance, where loyalty tests belong to the
voters, not to a single man’s desire to crown his loyal subjects. And if Gaetz
thought this was going to be an easy ride, well, it seems the Senate might just
be ready to burst that bubble, with a big, bipartisan pin.
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