Wilson, the Democrat president, supported democracy for Europe but held African Americans and women back in his own country—his hypocrisy is why his reputation is rightfully plummeting today.
Woodrow
Wilson, America’s 28th president and one-time hero of internationalism, might
need to be renamed the "Great Divider." His reputation, once that of
a visionary leader who championed democracy on a global scale, has taken a hard
hit, and for good reason. It seems the ideals he pushed for the world somehow
got left behind at America's own doorstep. Wilson’s fall from grace has been
particularly swift in recent years, and at the heart of it is an ugly truth—his
steadfast racism and his disdain for women’s suffrage.
Wilson,
a Democrat, governed from 1913 to 1921, and while history books often praise
him for his work in creating the League of Nations and establishing the Federal
Reserve, they tend to gloss over his blatant hostility towards granting equal
rights to African Americans and women. He was the first Southern president
since the Civil War, and he came into office with a mindset deeply rooted in
the segregationist sentiments of the Jim Crow South. His cabinet appointments
reflected this: white supremacists who quickly went about the business of
resegregating the federal workforce, setting progress back by decades. Wilson
didn’t just stumble into racism—he actively cultivated it, ensuring that
African Americans remained in positions of subordination, and justifying
segregation as a means to maintain "harmony."
His
hostility towards suffrage wasn’t any less palpable. Wilson treated women
fighting for their right to vote with thinly veiled contempt. In 1913, suffrage
activists had their first meeting with the president, which he ended abruptly
after a mere ten minutes. A year later, he stormed out of another meeting,
incensed by the audacity of women questioning him. Even in his earlier years as
a professor at Bryn Mawr, a women's college, Wilson saw teaching women as
something of a waste—likening it to lecturing stonemasons on the evolution of
fashion. Such words give insight into his deeply paternalistic and
condescending views on women's place in society. For Wilson, the very notion of
women's suffrage was a disruption of the "natural order."
It
wasn't until late in his presidency, in 1918, that Wilson reluctantly threw his
support behind what would become the 19th Amendment. But it wasn’t a noble
change of heart that swayed him—he was politically cornered. The suffrage
movement was gaining steam, and America’s international reputation was at
stake. How could a president advocate for democracy abroad while denying half
his country’s population a voice? Wilson’s endorsement was tepid, to say the
least, and when the amendment finally passed, he had the gall to write to a
colleague claiming that women owed their voting rights largely to him. It was a
stunning act of revisionism, given his years of staunch opposition.
Wilson’s
legacy also took another blow when one examines his treatment of civil
liberties during his time in office. Suffrage demonstrators who dared to take
their cause to the streets often found themselves facing mobs—sometimes with
the tacit approval of police. Newspapers loyal to Wilson called for a clampdown
on free speech during wartime, and judges handed down lengthy sentences for the
ambiguous crime of "obstructing traffic." Wilson might not have
directly ordered these crackdowns, but he certainly didn't stand in the way
either. As commander-in-chief, his silence was complicity, and it painted a
clear picture of where he stood on the rights of those he considered beneath
him.
It’s
no wonder that Princeton University chose in 2020 to remove Wilson’s name from
its public-affairs school, or that Washington, D.C.'s largest high school
followed suit in 2022. The man who was once celebrated as an enlightened leader
has now been unmasked as a regressive figure who held America back from
realizing its true democratic potential. Wilson may have helped craft
international institutions, but he failed spectacularly at practicing equality
at home.
The
current reassessment of Wilson is long overdue, and it speaks volumes about the
shifting values of our society. No longer is it enough to praise a president
for his economic or foreign policies while ignoring his moral failures. It is
this shift that has led historians, once captivated by his lofty rhetoric about
democracy, to downgrade him in presidential rankings. His standing, once just
below Lincoln, Washington, and Roosevelt, now lies much closer to the bottom,
marred by the realities of his exclusionary politics.
Wilson’s
enduring racism was more than a personal flaw—it was public policy. He barred
African Americans from advancing in government jobs, with some even losing
positions they had previously held. His vision of America was a segregated one,
and he was willing to wield the power of the presidency to ensure it stayed
that way. It’s an inconvenient truth for those who would prefer to see Wilson
solely as a global advocate for democracy. While he spoke of self-determination
for oppressed peoples abroad, he showed no such inclination for the oppressed
within his own borders.
A
telling anecdote involves Wilson’s screening of "The Birth of a
Nation" at the White House in 1915. The film, which glorified the Ku Klux
Klan, was heralded by Wilson, who reportedly called it "like writing
history with lightning." That Wilson, the supposed advocate for democracy,
chose to endorse such a vile portrayal of African Americans speaks volumes. It
was no mere slip-up—it was a clear endorsement of the very ideology that sought
to keep Black Americans as second-class citizens.
Perhaps
Wilson’s most glaring contradiction lies in his push for democracy abroad while
denying it at home. As he urged Europe to embrace the idea of national
self-determination after World War I, he failed to acknowledge the hypocrisy of
his own actions in America. Wilson’s rhetoric of "making the world safe
for democracy" was powerful enough to earn him the 1919 Nobel Peace Prize,
yet hollow when juxtaposed with his domestic policies. His reluctance to back
the women’s suffrage movement until politically expedient, coupled with his
efforts to disenfranchise African Americans, paints the portrait of a leader
far less interested in true democracy than in maintaining control.
Wilson’s
supporters might argue that he was simply a man of his time, but that excuse
only goes so far. There were plenty of voices—women like Alice Paul and African
American leaders like W.E.B. Du Bois—calling for equality, and Wilson chose to
ignore them. He had opportunities to be on the right side of history and chose
otherwise, not out of ignorance, but out of conviction.
The
decline in Wilson’s reputation is not a result of "woke" revisionism,
as some might suggest, but a reckoning with the full breadth of his actions and
beliefs. The romanticized version of Wilson, the principled statesman fighting
for democracy, has given way to a more nuanced and, frankly, more accurate
portrayal of a man who was deeply flawed. His international achievements,
though notable, cannot overshadow the harm he inflicted on those seeking
equality in America.
It’s
ironic that Wilson, who fancied himself a beacon of democracy, has now been
largely cast aside as a relic of an intolerant past. His legacy, once securely
anchored among the giants of American history, is now adrift, weighed down by
his glaring failures in the realms of race and gender. Wilson may have
championed the League of Nations, but his reluctance to lead his own nation
towards equality is a stain that no amount of rhetoric can wash away.
If
history teaches us anything, it's that legacies built on exclusion are bound to
crumble. And as we reconsider Woodrow Wilson's place in the pantheon of
American presidents, perhaps it's fitting that the man who so often closed
doors to progress is now finding them closed to his own memory.
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