Negotiating with child-kidnapping butchers hands criminals exactly what they want. Peter Obi’s proposal signals weakness where strength is needed. Peter Obi need to understand that Nigerian government is not a counseling center hidden inside a forest. Its first duty is to protect the innocent, defeat the guilty, and preserve the authority of the state. Appeasement has repeatedly failed. History always repeat the same warning: weakness rarely buys peace. More often, it purchases the next attack.
The former governor of Anambra State and presidential candidate of the Nigeria Democratic Congress in the 2027 election, Peter Obi, reportedly said that if elected President, he would negotiate with bandits who genuinely wanted to surrender and embrace peace. I disagree. Negotiating with terrorists is a dangerous game because it rewards killers and insults victims. Obi’s proposal may sound practical on the campaign trail, but it raises a question that refuses to die: since when did kidnappers, rapists, village burners, and schoolchild abductors become people the Nigerian state should sit across the table from and bargain with?
Watching this unfold feels
like sitting through a bad Nollywood movie where the hero shakes hands with the
devil while the village burns behind him. During his years in Anambra, Obi
built a reputation for putting relentless pressure on kidnappers. There were no
peace conferences in the forest. No public courtship. Criminals faced heat
until they scattered. Fast-forward to the race for 2027, and suddenly
negotiation enters the script. The timing is impossible to ignore. It reeks of
political arithmetic aimed at northern votes. Poverty, unemployment, and failed
leadership may breed frustration, but they do not force anyone to butcher
farmers or kidnap schoolchildren. Millions of poor Nigerians endure hardship
every day without becoming murderers. Hawkers dodge stray bullets. Farmers bury
their loved ones. Parents sleep hungry. Yet they still wake up and choose
honest work instead of bloodshed. Poverty explains suffering. It does not
excuse slaughter. Dressing murder in the perfume of poverty only leaves the smell
of death underneath.
Katsina offers a painful
lesson. The so-called amnesty deals became little more than a paid vacation for
criminals. In 2025, the state government unveiled peace agreements with
bandits, promising forgiveness in exchange for repentance. By January 2026, violence
exploded across Dandume, Faskari, Funtua, Jibia, and Kankara. Villages were
attacked. Families were shattered. Women disappeared. Bodies piled up. More
than 1,500 civilians were reportedly killed in Katsina between 2021 and 2025,
yet authorities still considered releasing 70 bandits facing trial. Public
outrage erupted. Afenifere, the Arewa Consultative Forum, and Ohanaeze all
condemned the proposal, arguing that it rewarded violence instead of justice.
Some bandits even arrived at negotiation meetings carrying rifles, fired
celebratory shots into the air, and later returned to rustling cattle and
collecting ransom. That was not peace. It was mockery wearing a government name
tag.
That is not negotiation.
That is surrender dressed in a borrowed suit.
Picture the scene. Deep
inside the forest, a bandit commander leans against a tree, an AK-47 hanging
from his shoulder, laughing into a satellite phone.
"Oga, government don
dey beg again. Collect the money. Release two hostages. Then move to the next
village."
That picture becomes
harder to dismiss when the numbers enter the room. Nextier’s Nigeria Violent
Conflicts Database reported that violent incidents rose by 51.5% in May 2026 to
156 cases, while deaths climbed to 842, representing a 90.1% increase from the
previous year. Kidnappings reached nearly 279 incidents during that month
alone. Between 2021 and early 2026, more than 32,667 Nigerians reportedly lost
their lives to violent attacks across the country, averaging about 15 deaths
every day. In 2024 alone, 2,452 people were abducted, a 31% increase over 2023.
Northwest states such as Zamfara, Kaduna, and Katsina continued recording
thousands of kidnappings while families paid billions of naira in ransom. Fear
became an industry. Banditry became a business model.
Obi correctly identifies
decades of failed leadership, collapsing values, and neglected education as
ingredients in Nigeria’s security crisis. Fair enough. But none of those
failures loads a rifle, squeezes a trigger, or sets a village on fire. Social
collapse may explain the decay. It does not erase personal responsibility. As
governor of Anambra, Obi did not plead with kidnappers. He made the state
unbearably hot for them. Security agencies squeezed their operations until they
retreated. That projected strength. This new language projects accommodation.
Supporters often point to
the 2009 Niger Delta amnesty as proof that negotiations can succeed. The
comparison falls apart under scrutiny. Niger Delta militants fought over
resource control, political representation, environmental destruction, and
revenue from oil extracted from their communities. Whether one agreed with
their methods or not, their grievances had identifiable political roots. The
amnesty disarmed thousands of fighters, reduced attacks on oil infrastructure,
restored production from below 1 million barrels per day, and provided
training, financial assistance, and reintegration programs. Even then, the
program developed cracks over time as oil theft persisted and fresh violence
resurfaced.
Northern bandits present a
different reality. They are criminal enterprises built around ransom,
extortion, murder, and intimidation. Their business plan is simple: burn
villages, kidnap children, demand payment, repeat. They have no political
manifesto. No constitutional demands. No coherent reform agenda. Their only
negotiation point is permission to keep what violence has already stolen.
Equating them with Niger Delta militants stretches comparison beyond
recognition.
Terrorism combines armed
robbery with attacks against the state itself. Those crimes carry severe
penalties because they strike at both citizens and national security. Why
should men accused of such atrocities receive rehabilitation packages,
stipends, and forgiveness while victims remain trapped in IDP camps, abandoned
farms, and shattered communities? Reports have repeatedly surfaced alleging
that some so-called repentant terrorists later returned to armed groups or
supplied intelligence to former associates. During the Buhari administration,
similar allegations emerged involving former fighters. History keeps repeating
the same warning: weakness rarely buys peace. More often, it purchases the next
attack.
Walk into the shoes of a
mother whose daughter disappeared during a school abduction. She is not
demanding dialogue. She wants her daughter home. She wants justice. Visit the
farmer standing in the ashes of his village. He is not dreaming about reconciliation
seminars. He wants security. He wants the killers brought to account. Any peace
arrangement that sidelines victims while elevating terrorists reverses the
moral order. It hands the microphone to those who created the tragedy.
Obi’s distinction between
negotiating with supposedly genuine repentant bandits while crushing hardened
criminals may sound sensible inside a campaign speech. On the battlefield,
those lines quickly dissolve. Once negotiations become official policy, every
kidnapper suddenly discovers repentance—at least until the next ransom payment
arrives.
Nigeria does not need
softer speeches. It needs sharper teeth.
Build intelligence
networks capable of locating camps before attacks begin. Deploy surveillance
drones over forests instead of waiting for tragedy. Equip security forces with
modern weapons that function when lives depend on them. Improve salaries, welfare,
and training for troops risking everything on the front lines. Strengthen
coordination among the military, police, intelligence agencies, and local
vigilantes instead of allowing fragmented responses to flourish. Break
terrorist capacity first. If broken, disarmed fighters later emerge genuinely
seeking peace, discussions can follow. But negotiations should come from
overwhelming strength—not government desperation. Anything less projects a
state losing its grip on authority.
The irony could hardly be
sharper. Leaders who failed to prevent poverty, unemployment, and educational
collapse now propose negotiating with the monsters those failures helped
create. Yet millions living under identical hardship never picked up rifles. Why
elevate those who chose violence over honest struggle? Banditry is not a
liberation movement. It is organized crime with excellent cash flow. SBM
Intelligence has estimated that kidnappings across Nigeria's Northwest generate
billions of naira through ransom payments every year. Strip away the slogans
and one truth remains. This is commerce powered by fear.
Obi's own record in
Anambra demonstrated that determined enforcement can push criminals backward.
Replacing that posture with negotiation risks transforming the Presidency into
a confession booth for mass killers. Victims deserve more than symbolic sympathy.
They have already surrendered homes, livelihoods, relatives, and futures.
Diverting scarce national resources toward rehabilitating attackers while
survivors struggle to rebuild sends a message that violence pays better than
innocence.
Call things by their
proper names. Terrorists are killers. Mass murder needs no poetry. No proverb
washes away the rape of a schoolgirl. No political slogan resurrects murdered
farmers. Government is not a counseling center hidden inside a forest. Its first
duty is to protect the innocent, defeat the guilty, and preserve the authority
of the state. Appeasement has repeatedly failed. Katsina's broken agreements
stand as a warning written in blood. Bandits do not honor deals. They exploit
them to rest, regroup, recruit, and rearm.
If Nigeria truly wants
lasting peace, it should pursue victory instead of photo opportunities.
Dismantle the networks. Strengthen intelligence. Properly arm those defending
the country. Reward courage instead of savagery. Anything less risks selling
Nigeria's future for campaign calculations.
Peter Obi's own history
should remind him of that lesson. The authority of the state begins to crumble
the moment it kneels before those who wage war against it. Stand firm. Fight
relentlessly. Crush those determined to destroy innocent lives. Otherwise, the
republic will continue bleeding frame by frame while history keeps rolling the
cameras.
The victims are watching. History
is watching. There must be no more holidays for butchers.
For readers interested
in a separate line of thought, the titles in my “Brief Book Series” are
available on Google Play. Read them here on Google Play or in Barnes &
Noble bookstore: Brief Book Series.

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