Tuesday, April 29, 2014

No longer at ease: The Rich Countries’ high corporate tax


The US  and OECD countries should realize that high corporate taxes are not a painless way to raise money: they creates an arms race in which companies either lobby politicians for exemptions, or find a way of not paying it.


 

During the reign of King Louis XIV of France(1638-1715), his then finance minister once said  that “the art of taxation consists in so plucking the goose as to obtain the largest possible amount of feathers with the smallest possible amount of hissing”(Rothbard, 2010). When it comes to taxing U.S. corporations, this should mean getting the largest possible amount of tax revenue without discouraging  business investment and entrepreneurship. Unfortunately, available published evidence has revealed that among the countries that made up the Organization for Economic Corporation and Development(OECD), the United States has the highest income tax rate. At 39.1percent, the U.S. corporate income tax rate, which is a combination of the 35 per cent federal rate and the average rate levied by the individual states, put its corporations at a competitive dis advantage(Pomerleau & Lundeen, 2014).

 

Broadly speaking, those countries that try to squeeze their firms too hard with high corporate tax often have larger black  market(or informal market), which, in turn cause significant amount of economic and political damage to their economies. Simply put, given that different governments offer a choice of rates and ways of taxing businesses, high taxes may lead companies to move to places that  offer more tax breaks, especially  for activities such as prospecting for natural resources, research and development. At a time when America is struggling to generate economic growth, the politicians at Washington and state legislatures too often behave as though the business sector is the enemy. Instead of competing with other OECD  members to attract good companies and stimulate them to create jobs, innovative products and revenues, they have tended to sought  their scapegoats more widely to include the finance sector, energy companies and technology giants. These companies were often blamed for tax avoidance and for being the begetters of inequality.

 

The American high corporate tax regime seemed to have inspired copycats in Europe: In late 2012, the executives from Amazon, Google and Starbucks were brought before a parliamentary committee and berated for paying little in the way of profit tax. Starbucks was so embarrassed that it promised to pay an additional amount of tax that the committee deemed to be legally required in that country – specifically an additional $32 million voluntary payment to the British tax authorities(Bullough, 2012; Economist, 2014).

 

How Much is Enough?

 

The unhappy truth is that, even though  companies in U.S. and in other OECD countries, on average, pay more tax on labor(such as employers’ social security contributions) than on profits, it is still widely but wrongly believed that the only tax they pay is corporate tax, which is the one levied on their profits. According to the available published evidence, the average global company, in addition to paying property taxes, sales taxes, environmental taxes, and so on, also pays as much as 43.1 percent of its commercial profits in tax, of which 16.1 percentage points is profit-related, 16.3 is labor-related and 10.7 are  others(Economist, 2014).

 

Today, the tax revenue from corporate profits of the OECD  countries, including the United States,  has declined since the economic crises. According to OECD  figures, the average member country now  raises about 2.7 per cent of the GDP in the form of profit taxes. This is less than the pre-crises value of 3.5 percent raised in 2007(Economist, 2014). Across the political and financial spectrum, officials and experts agrees that the current value is probably just a reflection of the lower profits being reported  by corporation since the crises, and not a structural shift. The upshot is that this value seems to have held fairly steady.

 

A growing body of evidence suggests that the current tax regimes in OECD countries including U.S. were developed when global trade has a smaller share of the GDP:  At the time when companies were more national  in character and the local economies were largely concerned with the exchange of physical products made and sold in physical locations. But today, the trade arena has changed a great deal. From an entirely practical standpoint, individual American states and most OECD  countries are finding it difficult to impose sales taxes in this modern economy that is increasingly and heavily dependent   on services and intangible goods traded over the internet.  This do partly explains the decline in corporate tax revenue since the economic crises.

 

It should be observed here that the three main approaches to taxing corporate profits include residence(where the company’s owner lives), source(where the goods and services are produced) and destination(where the goods and services are consumed).  So, if an American company, for instance, produces computers in a Chinese subsidiary which are sold in Britain, China is the source, United States is the residence  and Britain is the destination. The bottom line is that all the three countries – America, China and Britain – can claim a share of the tax revenues in this example. In this case, a sales tax or value-added tax system would obviously focus on the destination which, in this case, is Britain. In contrast, a tax regime that is based on personal income tax that is charged when the shareholders receive dividends or make capital gains, would raise money in the residence which, in this case, is America. Finally, a profit based tax regime will concentrate on China, which is the source. In a practical sense, the elements of all the three systems are being used among the advanced nations of the world.

 

Given that the subsidiaries of multinational companies trade with each other all the time, the biggest challenge arise when it comes to deciding where profit is generated. The main concern here is that, in order to maximize the profits generated in low tax jurisdiction, subsidiaries in these jurisdictions may start getting  involved in activities that would distort the market such as  overcharging subsidiaries in high tax countries – a practice known as transfer pricing. To get around this problem thereby ensure that the prices are similar to those a company might pay if dealing with an unrelated business, tax authorities in America and other OECD countries  often ask for intra-company transactions to be made on an “arm’s-length” basis. With standardized goods such as commodities, this principle is easy to apply. However, it becomes much harder to apply when it comes to more specialized products, such as a multinational retailer  who uses a franchise system in which the parent’s brand is considered to be an intellectual property. In this case, all the individual franchises of the parent company – wherever they may be – are obviously dependent on the parent’s brand and hence must pay a fee to the latter  for that privilege. Note that the intellectual property of the parent company can also be held in  a subsidiary  that is located in low-tax country – a perfectly legal way of reducing the company’s tax burden.

 

Another legal way for reducing the tax burden is to load up subsidiaries in high-tax countries with lots of debts, with most of the loans borrowed from subsidiaries located in low tax regimes. This approach will lower the affected company’s overall tax bill because interest payments are tax-deductible. 

 

The availability of the above strategies, and the fact that many U.S. and OECD  corporations are using them, has led to a series of cat-and-mouse  games as governments try to crack down on such strategies and companies devise ever new approaches to exploit tax rules to the full. Hence it is a self-evident truth that the current corporate tax system in both U.S. and OECD countries have resulted in both high compliance costs for multinational corporations as well as a very high administrative costs for the tax authorities. In the U.S in particular, the corporate tax system leaves a bad taste since it  hobbles the country in global competition. In addition, it does little or nothing to promote equality, which is considered to be its original and still recited justification. Besides, it is rife with distortions that erode efficiency – distortions that promises to get much worse in the future(Institute for International Economics, n.d.; Economist, 2014). It would be logical, therefore, to suggest that, the corporate tax system in these countries is in urgent need of reform.

 

It should be acknowledged that U.S.’s companies have not been sitting on their hands waiting to be fleeced. One of the approaches  which many of them are adopting is to form business structures  such as partnerships that act as ‘pass-through’ vehicles. A rise in these form of structures has become one of the biggest change in U.S.’s corporate governance in 21st century. And such structures generally avoid corporate income taxes provided that all profits are remitted to investors each year. But, across the political spectrum, politicians and experts agrees that this leads to a three-tier tax system: First, the partnerships escape the tax on profits. Second, the multinational corporations cut down their tax bills by shifting  both production and profits  to countries with low tax regimes. Third, the smaller companies – the losers, since they have less room for maneuver – will be left ‘carrying the baby alone.’

 
The Way Forward



These simple explanations are easy to square with the fact that five of the ten biggest worries of the small businesses are tax-related. From a practical perspective, the tax code is bound to be more and more complex as governments  try crack down on the multinationals’  strategies. There is a slight possibility that time may help reduce the problem. With some governments lowering their tax rates to attract multinational corporations, and with many businesses already escaping  the profit tax, the world may very slowly  be moving away from corporate profit tax. Many scholars believe that it would  be a sensible reform if corporate profit tax is allowed to disappear altogether in, say, 50 or 100 years’ time.

 

The trickiest issue is that countries may end up creating a new form of  tax avoidance  if they abandon the profit tax in isolation. In every country, there’s always people and corporations who are willing to take advantage of any government policy, provided that they will gain from it. Thus, abolishing corporate tax will give people the incentive to shelter their money  in companies – an option that would, in the long run, might undermine income tax. Because a profit levy acts like a withholding tax, the loss of revenue  might be substantial  if it becomes abolished. Added to this problem of revenue loss is the fact that many shareholders, including pension funds, might make no contributions at all to the revenue pool since they are either based overseas(often in low-tax centers) or have a tax-exempt status.

 

Both the United States and OECD  countries don’t find it funny to be stuck in this spiral. Many of them do realize that, the corporate geese that are plucked too much won’t just hiss: they will either fly away or they will find a way of not paying it by lobbying for the best deals. For the United States, the solution to the problem is simple: lower tax rates, few exemptions,  and a tax system that focuses on individuals  not companies.

 

 

 

 

 

References

 


 

Economist(2014): Special Report – Companies and the State. Retrieved April 29, 2014 from http://www.economist.com/news/special-report/21596667-relationship-between-business-and-government-becoming-increasingly-antagonistic

 

Institute for International Economics(n.d.): Replacing the Corporate Income Tax. Retrieved April 29, 2014 from http://www.iie.com/publications/chapters_preview/3845/5iie3845.pdf

 

Pomerleau K., Lundeen A.(2014): The U.S. Has the Highest Corporate Income Tax Rate in the OECD. Tax Foundation. Retrieved April 29, 2014 from http://taxfoundation.org/blog/us-has-highest-corporate-income-tax-rate-oecd

 

Rothbard M.N.(2010): Jean-Baptiste Colbert and Louis XIV. Ludwig von Mises Institute. Retrieved April 29, 2014 from http://mises.org/daily/4540

 

 

 

Friday, April 4, 2014

Business Regulation in America - The Wages of Sin



To encourage business, America needs to cut red tape. 


Worldwide, the United States is known as the home of laissez-faire. But at the home front the country is being suffocated by excessive and badly-written laws. The list of business regulations in America is endless:  Dodd-Frank law of 2010, Sarbanes-Oxley Act, Clean Air Act and Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (otherwise known as Obamacare), among others (Gattuso & Katz, 2013).


The problem here is that, while the rules may sound reasonable on their own, they do impose huge burden collectively on American businesses. Ideally, unlike the Europeans whose lives have long been circumscribed by meddling governments and politicians from Brussels, America is meant to be the home of laissez-faire where people are free to make their own choices, whether those choices are good or bad.  From ever indication, America appeared to have strayed from this ideal within the last decade (The Economist, 2012).
For instance, the aim of the Dodd-Frank law of 2010 is to prevent another financial crisis – a noble goal. While the strategy for implementing this law is simple, it contain 848 pages (covering such issues as improving transparency, stopping banks from taking excessive risks, and putting an end to “too big to fail” syndrome by authorizing regulators to seize any big, tottering financial firm and wind it down) and hence is about 23 times longer than the  Glass-Steagall , the reform that followed the Wall Street Crash of 1929. This makes it too  complex  to understand and explained why those few people who have read it struggle to make sense of it. Consider the “Volker rule”, which is one bit of it that is aimed at curbing risky proprietary trading by banks. Its 383 questions that breakdown into  an additional 1420 sub-questions means that the financial firms in America  struggle to comply with a law that is partly unintelligible and partly cumbersome(Public Law, n.d.; Markovich, 2013). 


Too Complex for Comfort
The fact that the government of the two ruling parties in America had kept adding stacks of rules, most of which are retained, means that Dodd-Frank is merely one part of a wider trend. Broadly speaking, while the Democrats make rules to expand the welfare states, the rules written by the Republicans to thwart terrorists has made flying to America an uphill task and, as a result, have prompted legions of brainy migrants to choose Canada and Western Europe instead.  Barack Obama’s healthcare reform of 2010 also illustrates the regulatory perils facing companies in America. As a practical matter, the healthcare law does little to reduce the system’s staggering and increasing complexity even though it has many virtues, especially given that it attempts to make health insurance universal in America. Going by the provisions of the healthcare law, every hour spent in treating a patient in America will require at least 30 minute to one hour of paperwork. And by the end of 2013, the hospitals in the country faced news rules which increased the number of federally mandated categories of illness and injury for which they may claim reimbursement from 18,000 to 140,000(Anderson, 2014; The Economist, 2012).


The American laws are too complex for two main reasons. First, the lawmakers are extremely proud and they believe that they can govern every eventuality with laws and regulations. This important fact may be clarified by some their laws that are both delusional(for example the Dodd-Frank law with which they believe can help them anticipate and ban every nasty tricks which financial institutions will dream up in the future) and annoying(such as the once proposed Colorado law that specifies how many crayons each box of crayon must contain). The bottom line here is that when rules become too complex,  they seldom prevent abuses. Instead, they create loopholes which the shrewd and the unscrupulous can abuse with impunity(The Economist, 2012). 


American laws are also complicated due to the activities of the lobbyers.  In a broader sense, when a government like America strives to micromanage so many activities, they, unfortunately, creates huge incentives for lobby groups to push for special favors. Hence, it is not hard for  the politicians at Washington to slip in clauses that benefit their campaign donors and friends when a bill is hundreds of pages long. It is thus not surprising that Obama’s healthcare law and the Congress’ bill to regulate greenhouse gases included ton of favors for the pushy(The Economist, 2013). 


What the US Congress should realize is that complex rules costs money too. For instance, America’s share of initial public offerings(IPOs) fell from 67% in 2002 when Sarbanes-Oxley law was passed to 16% in 2011 because the law, despite some benign tweaks to it, made it so difficult to list shares on the country’s stock markets – a development that  forced firms to look elsewhere or to stay private. According to America’s Small Business Administration, overregulation can add as much as $10,585 in costs per employee – the kind of cost that businesses will be glad to avoid(Feulner, 2012; The Economist, 2012). 


Simplifying the Rule Book
From a political standpoint,  it appears that the Obama administration and the Democrats at Capitol Hill has a bias towards overstating benefits and understating costs and, as such, pay lip service to the need to ensure that new rules are cost effective. Even the Republicans give only a sketchy idea of how they would slim the rulebook and repeal Obama Care and Dodd-Frank law, even though they repeatedly  claim that they would do so.  For a country in desperate need of jobs, there’s no doubt that America needs a smarter approach to regulation. First, before any rule is enacted, they should be subjected to cost-benefit analysis by an independent watchdog that will, in turn, make the result public. Second, the legislators should pass simple rules that will have sunset clauses and leave regulators to enforce them so that they(the legislators) can re-authorize them when they expire after, say, ten 15 years. Simplicity in this regard means that all big regulations should be watered down to broad goals that prescribe only what is strictly necessary to achieve them, and not their  very familiar ‘all-purpose’ instruction manual in which the important dos and don’ts are lost in an ocean of verbiage(The Economist, 2012).  Finally, to mitigate the real danger of regulation crushing the life out of America’s economy, those regulators who made bad decisions should be made more accountable and easily sack-able, and any unreasonable judgment by the bureaucrats should be subjected to swift appeal. 



References
Anderson A.(2014): The Impact of the Affordable Healthcare  Act Healthcare Workforce. Heritage Foundation. Retrieved April 4, 2014 from http://www.heritage.org/research/reports/2014/03/the-impact-of-the-affordable-care-act-on-the-health-care-workforce

Economist(2012): United States Economy – Overregulated America. Retrieved April 4, 2014 from http://www.economist.com/node/21547789

Economist( 2013): Legislative Verbosity. Retrieved April 4, 2014 from http://www.economist.com/blogs/democracyinamerica/2013/11/legislative-verbosity
Feulner E.(2012): Onerous Effects of Overregulation. Heritage Foundation. Retrieved April 4, 2014 from http://www.heritage.org/research/commentary/2012/02/onerous-effects-of-overregulation

Gattuso J., Katz D.(2013): Red Tape Rising – Regulation in Obama’s First Term. The Heritage Foundation. Retrieved April 4, 2014 from http://www.heritage.org/research/reports/2013/05/red-tape-rising-regulation-in-obamas-first-term


Markovich S.J.(2013): The Dodd-Frank Act. Council on Foreign Relations. Retrieved April 4, 2014 from http://www.cfr.org/united-states/dodd-frank-act/p28735

Public Law(n.d.): Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act. 111 Congress Public Law 203. Retrieved April 4 2014 from http://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/pkg/PLAW-111publ203/html/PLAW-111publ203.htm




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